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Palantir and Anduril form consortium to win more defense AI contracts·June 5, 2025
Palantir, Anduril, Clearview AI, SpaceX, and Amazon Web Services hold billions in government contracts for surveillance and national security services. Palantir received a $10 billion enterprise agreement from the federal government and signed a $30 million ICE contract in Apr. 2025 to build "ImmigrationOS" for tracking deportations. Amazon's $10 billion "WildandStormy" contract with the NSA moves the agency's global intelligence data to the cloud.
Key facts
The surveillance network didn't appear overnight. Palantir has held contracts with ICE since 2014, collecting approximately $287 million over 11 years to build the agency's core investigative infrastructure. Every administration since Obama expanded Palantir's role rather than reducing it. By 2025, the company wasn't just an ICE vendor. It was the architect of how the agency finds, tracks, and arrests people.
The scale of that relationship snapped into focus in Trump's second term. Palantir's U.S. government revenue grew 45 percent in Q1 2025 compared to the same quarter in 2024. The company's stock rose over 80 percent that year, making it the highest-performing company in the S&P 500. Palantir didn't just benefit from the government's surveillance expansion. It drove it.
On April 17, 2025, ICE awarded Palantir a $30 million no-bid contract to build ImmigrationOS, the Immigration Lifecycle Operating System. ICE filed a sole-source justification claiming Palantir was the only vendor capable of delivering the system on time. The contract runs through September 2027, with a working prototype required by September 25, 2025.
ImmigrationOS is built on top of ICE's existing Investigative Case Management platform, the same Palantir-operated system that has run since 2014. It gives ICE near real-time visibility on self-deportations, tracks visa overstays, and helps agents select arrest targets. Palantir also built a companion tool called ELITE (Enhanced Leads Identification and Targeting for Enforcement), which maps deportation targets by neighborhood, generates individual dossiers, and uses Department of Health and Human Services data to assign confidence scores to a person's most likely current address. When ICE agents show up at someone's door, Palantir's algorithm put the address on the list.
Palantir's reach didn't stop at ICE. By mid-2025, the company had deployed its Foundry platform at the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Health and Human Services, the Food and Drug Administration, the CDC, and the National Institutes of Health. Then the New York Times reported in May 2025 that Palantir employees had been installed at the IRS and were helping build a single, searchable database of taxpayer records that could ultimately be shared with other federal agencies.
Senator Ron Wyden and nine co-signers wrote to Palantir CEO Alex Karp on June 17, 2025, arguing the IRS project likely violated the Privacy Act of 1974 and Internal Revenue Code Sections 6103 and 7213A — federal laws that protect tax data with criminal penalties for unauthorized access. Palantir denied building a master database. Wyden said the response denied accusations the lawmakers hadn't made and refused to answer the questions actually asked.
The conflict of interest at the heart of the surveillance buildup is documented in a single financial disclosure. The Project on Government Oversight reported in June 2025 that Stephen Miller, Trump's deputy chief of staff and the primary architect of the administration's immigration enforcement strategy, owns between $100,000 and $250,000 in Palantir stock, held in a brokerage account for one of his minor children under age six. The Office of Government Ethics treats assets held by minor children as if owned directly by the official.
Miller wasn't alone. At least 11 other White House officials and staffers disclosed Palantir holdings, including Gregory Barbaccia, Trump's Chief Information Officer. Rep. James Comer, the Republican chair of the House Oversight Committee, the body with authority to investigate these contracts, bought Palantir stock the day after Trump's inauguration. It was his only stock trade that day. Don Fox, former general counsel of the Office of Government Ethics, told POGO that Miller could cross an ethical line simply by sitting in on any DHS meeting about data systems while knowing Palantir stood to benefit.
Amazon's role in the surveillance network operates at a different scale, and mostly out of sight. Amazon Web Services holds the NSA's $10 billion WildandStormy contract, awarded in 2021 and reaffirmed in 2022 after Microsoft filed a protest. The contract moves the NSA's global intelligence collection, including data on foreign governments, foreign nationals, and in some cases U.S. persons, from internal government servers to Amazon's commercial cloud infrastructure. AWS previously won the CIA's C2S cloud contract in 2013.
The practical effect is that Amazon, a private company governed by terms of service and shareholder obligations, manages the storage, access controls, and query architecture for the most sensitive surveillance data the U.S. government collects. There is no public audit mechanism, no congressional oversight committee with visibility into how AWS engineers can access NSA data, and no legal framework that applies the Fourth Amendment to data held on commercial servers.
In orbit, SpaceX is building the physical infrastructure for ground-level surveillance. The National Reconnaissance Office awarded SpaceX a $1.8 billion contract to build hundreds of low-orbit imaging satellites capable of providing near-constant coverage of any point on Earth. SpaceX received $13.7 billion in total National Security Space Launch contracts, and its Starshield program, a classified military variant of Starlink, operates more than 480 satellites for military communications and reconnaissance.
Musk runs SpaceX while simultaneously heading the Department of Government Efficiency, the White House advisory body that has directed federal agencies to consolidate and share data systems. DOGE's push to merge agency databases created demand for exactly the kind of cross-agency data platform Palantir was already building at the IRS and DHS. Musk's companies have received more than $38 billion in government support since 2003.
Clearview AI entered the federal surveillance market through a narrower door. The company built a database of 30 billion photographs scraped from social media platforms without user consent and sold access to law enforcement. ICE signed a $3.75 million contract with Clearview to identify victims and perpetrators in child exploitation cases. Total federal contracts reached $9.2 million, with ICE among the company's largest customers.
Clearview's database has been challenged in court across multiple jurisdictions. The EU and Canada ordered the company to delete scraped data and stop collecting it. In the United States, a 2022 settlement under Illinois's Biometric Information Privacy Act barred Clearview from selling its database to most private companies, but carved out a full exemption for law enforcement. The legal architecture that protects Americans from corporate surveillance doesn't apply when the government is the buyer.
In December 2024, Palantir and Anduril announced they would integrate their platforms and jointly bid for Pentagon contracts. The proposed consortium includes SpaceX, OpenAI, Scale AI, and Saronic Technologies — companies that want to displace legacy defense contractors like Lockheed Martin and Boeing by pitching faster, AI-driven capabilities at lower cost. The Financial Times first reported the consortium's formation.
What the consortium announcement didn't highlight was that nearly every company involved traces its financing back to a single source. Peter Thiel co-founded Palantir in 2003 and has funded Anduril, SpaceX, and OpenAI through his Founders Fund venture capital firm. Analysts at Responsible Statecraft argued the consortium isn't really competition. It's coordination. A group of companies sharing a common investor, a common political network, and a common interest in expanding government surveillance contracts are agreeing not to undercut each other while they bid for the same contracts.
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