Duffy skipped APA comment to rescind Title VI disparate-impact rules immediately.
Photo: Getty Images / KQED
Congress passed Title VIA federal law banning discrimination in programs receiving federal funding.Key ConceptTitle VIA federal law banning discrimination in programs receiving federal funding.Open concept of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibiting recipients of federal funding from discriminating based on race, color, or national origin. The act itself covers intentional discrimination, but agencies including DOT issued implementing regulations over the following decades extending the prohibition to policies with discriminatory effects โ what lawyers call 'disparate-impact liability.' The distinction is consequential: proving discriminatory intent requires showing decisionmakers acted with bias, while proving Disparate ImpactA policy or practice that is neutral on its face but disproportionately harms members of a protected group, even without intentional discrimination.Key ConceptDisparate ImpactA policy or practice that is neutral on its face but disproportionately harms members of a protected group, even without intentional discrimination.Open concept requires showing that a policy produced unequal harm to a protected group, regardless of motive.
The DOT disparate-impact regulation had been in place for more than 60 years when Secretary Duffy rescinded it on June 10, 2026. The rule was published as Federal Register document 2026-11790 on June 11, 2026, effective immediately. No public comment period was provided. The APA ordinarily requires agencies to publish a proposed rule, accept public comments for at least 30 days, and issue a final rule with a reasoned explanation before substantive regulatory changes take effect. DOT's rescission skipped every step.
The regulation's practical history began with the interstate highway construction era of the 1950s and 1960s. Federal highway planners systematically routed new interstates through Black neighborhoods rather than white ones. In Miami, I-95 ran through Overtown โ a large, vibrant Black community โ with a single interchange consuming 40 square blocks and destroying the homes of about 1,000 people by the late 1960s. In Syracuse, New York, I-81 was extended through the 15th Ward, where nearly 90 percent of the city's Black residents lived, displacing more than 1,300 families. Baltimore, Nashville, and Los Angeles had parallel histories. Congress enacted legislation requiring regional transportation planning in the 1960s, but it provided little protection for Black and Brown communities. The disparate-impact regulation was codified to prevent federal agencies from funding similar routing decisions going forward.
The KQED report on the BART precedent documented how the now-rescinded DOT rule worked in practice in the San Francisco Bay Area. Community groups used it to contest BART expansion routes and highway widening projects affecting Black, Latino, and low-income communities โ including the I-580 corridor and station placement decisions along routes where communities of color bore disproportionate construction impacts. The rule gave community groups a legal basis to demand federal review of routing decisions before projects were approved, even when DOT was not independently investigating.
The rescission eliminates that challenge pathway for all federally funded transportation projects across all 50 states.
Rep. Marilyn Strickland (D-WA) led a coalition of House members who sent DOT a letter on March 10, 2026, three months before the June rescission, warning that skipping public comment would violate the APA and demanding the agency halt the rulemaking. The letter was signed by members of the House Transportation Committee who have jurisdiction to request oversight hearings. DOT proceeded anyway.
This made DOT's APA procedural violation documented and deliberate: the agency had formal notice from Congress that civil rights advocates and legislators believed notice-and-comment was required, and it skipped comment anyway. Courts analyzing an APA challenge to this rescission would likely factor that documented notice into their analysis.
The one-day gap between the DOJ OLC opinion (June 9) and the DOT announcement (June 10) was not coincidental. Civil rights lawyers who track the Harvard EELP tracker documented the same EO as the coordinating mechanism across all agency rescissions.
The Supreme Court's 5-4 ruling in Alexander v. Sandoval (2001) had already significantly limited what happens when agencies rescind disparate-impact regulations. The Court held that individuals have no private right of action to enforce agency disparate-impact regulations under Title VI. Only agencies can enforce their own implementing regulations. Martha Sandoval, an Alabama resident who spoke only Spanish, sued the Alabama DMV over an English-only driver's license exam policy with a racially disparate effect. The Court sided with the state, ruling that she could not sue to enforce the disparate-impact regulation โ only the agency could.
This created the enforcement structure the DOT rescission now dismantles: agencies were the only entities that could enforce disparate-impact rules, and now DOT has told itself not to. With Sandoval already blocking private suits, the DOT rescission creates a layered enforcement gap.
DOT oversees roughly $100 billion annually in transportation grants, loans, and contracts through the Federal Highway Administration, Federal Transit Administration, and Federal Aviation Administration. Every state and territory that receives federal transportation dollars was previously required to certify compliance with the disparate-impact standard as a condition of federal funding. That certification requirement is now gone.
The PRRAC and Leadership Conference analysis from February 2026 documented that disparate-impact enforcement had been used to challenge transportation decisions across dozens of metropolitan areas, including routing decisions, station placement, highway interchange siting, and airport noise abatement patterns that affected Black, Latino, and low-income communities at higher rates than white suburban communities.