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Foreign PolicyLegislative ProcessNational Security
June 4, 2026

Hạ viện thông qua dự luật viện trợ Ukraine bằng cách vượt qua sự lãnh đạo của Đảng Cộng hòa

House bypasses GOP leadership to authorize $9.3B in Ukraine aid and Russia sanctions

The House passed H.R. 2913, the Ukraine Support Act, at 8:08 p.m. on June 4, 2026, by a 226-195 vote. Eighteen Republicans joined every Democrat except one in support. Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota was the sole Democratic no vote, citing the bill's broad , which she argued would harm Russian civilians who didn't choose the war.
The Ukraine Support Act authorizes three main categories of assistance. First, up to $8 billion in loans — money Ukraine would borrow, not receive as a grant — for Ukraine and NATO allies to purchase U.S. military equipment under the Arms Export Control Act. Second, $300 million annually in 2026 and 2027 to train and equip Ukrainian forces under the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative. Third, a reconstruction trust fund seeded by taxes on Russian sovereign assets, plus $30 million in annual Foreign Military Financing to each of the Baltic states — Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania — through 2028. The bill also directs restoration of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty to full capacity, after an executive order moved to shutter the agency.
The legislation imposes a new sanctions regime on Russia. The President would be required to impose property- and visa-blocking sanctions on Russian officials and companies in the oil, mining, and nuclear sectors, and a 500% tariff on all Russian imports to the United States. It also bans Russian crude oil imports and imposes a 100% tax on income derived from Russian sovereign assets. The sanctions package was the specific element Rep. Omar cited when casting the lone Democratic no vote.
The bill reached the floor through a — a tool added to House rules in 1910 during the revolt against Speaker Joseph Cannon. Rep. George Norris of Nebraska led that revolt; the discharge petition gave rank-and-file members a way to force bills to the floor without leadership approval.
The modern form of the rule was adopted in 1931. In 1935, Congress raised the signature threshold from one-third of the House (145 votes) to an absolute majority (218 votes), according to the Congressional Research Service. That 218-signature bar is what makes discharge petitions so rarely successful: every signature is a public act of defiance against leadership, recorded daily by the House Clerk.
Before the 119th Congress, successful discharge petitions had been rare for decades. The two most recent prior to 2025 were both indirect: in 2002, a discharge petition on a special rule for the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (the McCain-Feingold law, P.L. 107-155) reached 218 signatures, but the Rules Committee reported its own rule and the House passed it that way; and in 2015, a rule for the Export-Import Bank reauthorization (H.Res. 450) was discharged on October 26, leading to House passage the next day.
The 119th Congress has been an exception. Four discharge petitions reached 218 signatures in the first session alone — more than in any comparable period in recent history — as Democrats exploited the slim Republican majority by finding a handful of members willing to cross leadership.
Rep. Gregory Meeks of New York filed Discharge Petition No. 8 in July 2025. For nearly 11 months it sat short of 218 signatures. Every Democrat and two Republicans — Reps. Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania and Don Bacon of Nebraska — had already signed. On May 13, 2026, Rep. Kevin Kiley of California became the 218th signatory, triggering a mandatory floor vote within seven legislative days. Kiley had left the Republican Party in March 2026 to register as a California independent with no party preference — meaning no Republican was technically the decisive vote, and leadership's standard tools of committee assignments and primary support had less purchase over him.
Speaker Mike Johnson opposed the bill and urged House Republicans to vote no in a closed-door meeting the day of the vote, arguing the legislation could undermine Trump's peace negotiations with Russia. Dr. Kevin Roberts, President of Heritage Action, called the bill a challenge to the administration's agenda: "President Trump is working to bring peace to the region," Roberts said, "yet this rogue bill directly undermines his administration by advancing the failed agenda of the foreign policy establishment." Heritage Action issued a formal Key Vote against H.R. 2913 on June 3, 2026, threatening to lower the Heritage Action Scorecard rating of any Republican who voted yes. Despite the pressure, 18 Republicans broke ranks.
The 18 Republicans who voted yes included members of the House Armed Services Committee: Reps. Joe Wilson of South Carolina, Mike Turner of Ohio, Don Bacon of Nebraska, Carlos Gimenez of Florida, and Jennifer Kiggans of Virginia. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus, and Rep. Michael McCaul of Texas, former chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, also voted yes. Rep. Fitzpatrick acknowledged after passage that the bill is "probably not going to get 60 votes in the Senate," framing the House action as a pressure mechanism rather than a straight legislative path to law.
Ukraine aid appropriated since February 2022 has flowed heavily into U.S. defense manufacturing. The Center for Strategic and International Studies found that of the $113 billion appropriated through early 2024, as much as $68 billion was directed into the U.S. defense industrial base. The Defense Department identified prime vendors and critical suppliers in 37 states. The largest contract recipients by congressional district included Texas-33 (Lockheed Martin's Camden, Arkansas HIMARS facility draws from Texas supply chains), Michigan-10, Pennsylvania-10, Massachusetts-6, Alabama-5, and Missouri-1. The $8 billion in FMF loans in H.R. 2913 would extend that demand signal for U.S. manufacturers, but as structured loans rather than grants.
The bill now moves to the Senate, where it needs 60 votes to overcome a and reach Trump's desk. Senate Majority Leader John Thune of South Dakota has aligned with Trump on foreign policy and is not expected to schedule it for a vote. The Senate has no equivalent of the discharge petition — no procedural mechanism lets a floor majority force a vote over the majority leader's objection.
Rep. Fitzpatrick called the vote a signal: "It's going to hopefully force the Senate to address the issue." The White House veto threat means that even if the Senate acted, an override would require two-thirds majorities in both chambers.

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