Elections Β· Civil Rights Β· Legislative ProcessΒ·May 21, 2026
Republican map would cut Louisiana's Black congressional seats in half
On May 21, 2026, the Louisiana House and Governmental Affairs Committee voted 10-7 along party lines to advance Senate Bill 121, a congressional πredistricting plan that creates a 5-1 Republican-majority map and eliminates the majority-Black 6th Congressional District held by Democratic Rep.
Cleo Fields. The committee vote came three weeks after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 6-3 in Louisiana v. Callais that the state's previous two-majority-Black-district map was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. Republicans, citing Callais, used the ruling to justify redrawing lines that would reduce Black congressional representation from two districts to one. The bill, authored by Sen.
Jay Morris (R-West Monroe), passed the Louisiana Senate 27-10 on May 14, 2026. It still needs full House approval before going to Gov.
Jeff Landry. If enacted, the map would end a decade-long legal fight by Black voters to secure a second majority-Black seat β a fight that produced two Supreme Court rulings.
Key facts
Louisiana's 6th Congressional District exists because Black voters spent a decade fighting in federal court. Black residents make up roughly 33 percent of Louisiana's population, yet for most of the state's modern history they held just one of six congressional seats. After the Supreme Court ruled in Allen v. Milligan (2023) that states must draw majority-Black districts where the population is large and geographically compact enough to support one, Louisiana lawmakers in January 2024 passed a new map creating a second majority-Black seat β the 6th District, which stretches from Caddo Parish in the northwest to East Baton Rouge Parish. Rep.
Cleo Fields, a Baton Rouge Democrat, won the seat in November 2024.
That map lasted less than two years. On April 29, 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 6-3 in Louisiana v. Callais that the 6th District was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. Justice
Samuel Alito β appointed by President George W. Bush and confirmed 58-42 β wrote for the majority that Louisiana relied too heavily on race in drawing the second majority-Black district. Justices Kagan, Sotomayor, and Jackson dissented. Justice Kagan wrote that the majority had rendered Section 2 of the πVoting Rights Act .
Three weeks after the Callais ruling, the Louisiana Republican majority moved to redraw the map on its own terms. Sen.
Jay Morris (R-West Monroe) introduced Senate Bill 121, which creates five Republican-leaning districts and one Democratic district β the 2nd Congressional District held by Rep. Troy Carter, centered on New Orleans.
Morris said at a hearing that his goal was straightforward: 'I'm πredistricting on the basis of partisanship.' He also said the map was designed to 'maximize Republican advantage for the incumbent Republicans that we have in Congress.'
Morris presented the bill without the usual voter demographic breakdowns that accompany πredistricting legislation, substituting party-affiliation data instead. Democratic senators argued the substitution was cosmetic. Sen.
Cleo Fields' seat would disappear entirely: under SB121, his district would be dissolved and its territory merged into majority-white Republican-leaning districts.
The Louisiana Senate passed SB121 on May 14, 2026, by a . The bill went to the House and Governmental Affairs Committee, which held a hearing on May 21 featuring hours of public opposition. Marc Morial β National Urban League president and former New Orleans mayor β told the committee: 'This state was on an arc of change. What this moment feels like to me right now is a reversal of progress.' Former New Orleans Mayor Sidney Barthelemy and former Orleans Parish Clerk of Criminal Court Arthur Morrell also testified against the bill.
Despite the opposition, the committee voted to advance SB121 with a House committee amendment. The bill still needs a full House floor vote and, if both chambers pass the same version, a signature from Gov.
Jeff Landry.
Rep.
Cleo Fields called the Republican πredistricting effort 'personal.'
Fields noted that it took Louisiana more than a century after Reconstruction before the state elected a Black person to Congress β a milestone he himself achieved when he was first elected in 1992 at age 26. Under SB121, he would have no district to run in.
Fields said he won't run against fellow Democrat Troy Carter even if the final map places them in the same district.
The Callais ruling gave Republicans the legal opening they needed, but the racial composition of Louisiana's congressional delegation is a direct consequence of the new map. ; under SB121, Black voters would hold the ability to elect a preferred candidate in just one of six congressional seats. πRedistricting experts have said the combination of Callais and state legislative action could produce the largest drop in Black congressional representation since Reconstruction.
The constitutional history of Louisiana's 6th District runs through two decades of litigation. In Robinson v.
Landry (the predecessor to the Callais case), federal courts ruled that the 2022 congressional map β drawn by Republicans to create a single majority-Black district β violated Section 2 of the πVoting Rights Act. The state was ordered to draw a second majority-Black seat. Republicans challenged the court-ordered map, and the Supreme Court took up the case as Louisiana v. Callais.
The Callais ruling went beyond striking Louisiana's map. Justice
Alito's majority opinion significantly reworked the 40-year-old Thornburg v. Gingles framework that governed Section 2 vote-dilution claims. Challengers must now prove current-day intentional racial discrimination β a much higher bar β and must draw alternative maps that satisfy the state's political objectives just as well as the state's own map. The called the new standard 'all but impossible to meet' when racial identity and party affiliation overlap as closely as they do in Louisiana.
Republicans have a partisan interest in the map's outcome that extends beyond Louisiana. Going into the 2026 midterm elections, the House Republican majority is narrow and competitive. Each seat matters. Gov.
Jeff Landry suspended Louisiana's ongoing congressional primary elections to allow the πredistricting to proceed, an unusual executive action that delayed candidate filings for the 2026 cycle. If SB121 becomes law and
Fields' seat is eliminated, Republicans would hold five of Louisiana's six U.S. House seats instead of four.
The national πredistricting landscape shifted sharply after Callais. Tennessee Republicans drew and passed a new map eliminating the state's sole πmajority-minority district within weeks of the ruling. πRedistricting advocates have documented similar efforts in multiple Southern states. The called the combination of the Callais ruling and subsequent state legislative action a coordinated strategy to consolidate Republican control of the House before the 2026 midterms.
The NAACP and ACLU have both condemned the Callais ruling and the Louisiana πredistricting that followed it. NAACP President Derrick Johnson said: 'This ruling is a major setback for our nation and threatens to erode the hard-won victories we've fought, bled, and died for.' The ACLU warned that 'πredistricting remains ongoing in many states, and the severe weakening of Section 2 may affect future challenges to congressional, legislative, and local maps that dilute the voting strength of communities of color.'
Democracy Docket, the voting rights litigation tracker, described SB121 as a 'GOP gerrymander' and noted that the bill's passage would effectively ratify the use of the Callais ruling as a under the guise of complying with the Constitution.
For Black Louisianans, the πredistricting fight is not abstract. Louisiana has a long history of suppressing Black political power β from poll taxes and grandfather clauses in the Jim Crow era to modern litigation over district lines. The Power Coalition for Equity and Justice, a Louisiana voting rights group, documented to Black congressional representation in federal court records. Under SB121, Black voters in the Baton Rouge and Shreveport regions β previously linked in the 6th District β would be split among Republican-majority districts, diluting their collective voting strength.
Marc Morial told the House committee that Louisiana was 'on an arc of change' before the Callais ruling. His testimony β alongside dozens of other speakers who opposed the bill β went into the record before the 10-7 vote advanced SB121 to the full House floor.
The legal options for challenging SB121 have narrowed significantly after Callais. Section 2 of the πVoting Rights Act, the primary statutory tool for challenging discriminatory maps, now requires proof of intentional racial discrimination under the
Alito majority's new framework. The Campaign Legal Center that 'with a severely narrowed Section 2, voters challenging racially discriminatory maps and voting laws will face higher legal barriers and fewer statutory protections.'
The 14th and 15th Amendments remain available as constitutional bases for a challenge, but the Supreme Court's Callais holding found the Louisiana map unconstitutional precisely on those grounds β meaning challengers would have to show that SB121 goes further than what Callais permits, a difficult argument given that the Republican majority's stated goal is a purely partisan map.
Calvin Duncan spent 28 years in prison for a murder he didn't commit before a Louisiana judge vacated his conviction in 2021. In November 2025, Duncan won 68 percent of the vote in New Orleans to become the Orleans Parish clerk of criminal court, pledging to reform the very system that had failed him. Before he could take office, Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry and the Republican-controlled Legislature moved to eliminate his position entirely. On April 8, 2026, the Louisiana Senate voted 25-11 to pass Senate Bill 256, authored by Sen. Jay Morris of Monroe, which merges the Orleans Parish criminal and civil clerk's offices into one position. The bill would abolish Duncan's office before his scheduled May 4 swearing-in. Critics, including the Louisiana ACLU, called it a racist power grab targeting a majority-Black city. The bills' author acknowledged the legislation was timed to Duncan's arrival, and officials admitted the savings from eliminating the position amount to approximately $27,300 per year.
On May 23, 2026, on Day 7 of a special session Gov. Henry McMaster called after the regular legislative session failed, the South Carolina Senate invoked cloture by a 26-18 vote to limit debate on a congressional redistricting bill. The bill would eliminate the state's only majority-Black 6th Congressional District, held by Rep. Jim Clyburn since 1993, and give Republicans a 7-0 advantage in the state's seven-seat U.S. House delegation. The special session opened May 15 after McMaster issued Executive Order 2026-09 forcing the legislature back into session. Five Republican senators had joined Democrats to block redistricting during the regular session, and six Republicans voted against a rules-suspension attempt on May 22 that required a two-thirds supermajority. Because that fast-track failed, Senate Republicans invoked a slower cloture-equivalent procedure under existing chamber rules, a majority-only threshold, setting the earliest governor's desk arrival at May 28-29. The push comes five weeks after the U.S. Supreme Court's April 29 ruling in Louisiana v. Callais, which struck down Louisiana's second majority-Black district as an unconstitutional racial gerrymander and significantly narrowed the Voting Rights Act's protection for majority-minority districts. South Carolina Republicans cite Callais as clearing the legal path to redraw the 6th District, which concentrates roughly 57% Black voting-age population. Civil rights groups and Democratic legislators argue the move is racial cracking, dispersing Black voters across Republican-majority districts where they can't elect a candidate of their choice.
On May 11, 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court issued an unsigned 6-3 order vacating the district court's injunction that had required Alabama to maintain two majority-Black congressional districts. The ruling came eight days before Alabama's May 19 primary and twelve days after the Court's April 29 Louisiana v. Callais decision gutted Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. The order in Allen v. Caster (No. 25-243) lets Alabama use its 2023 congressional map, a map a federal court had already found to violate the VRA and to constitute intentional racial discrimination under the 14th Amendment. Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall filed the emergency application on May 8 after Gov. Kay Ivey signed special session legislation authorizing new primaries in up to four districts if courts cleared the way. The practical consequence is immediate. Alabama's congressional delegation shifts from 5 Republicans and 2 Democrats to 6 Republicans and 1 Democrat. Rep. Shomari Figures, who won the redrawn majority-Black 2nd District in November 2024, was the first time in decades Alabama sent two Black members to Congress simultaneously. He now faces a district reconfigured to favor Republicans. Justice Sonia Sotomayor dissented, joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson, arguing the Court discarded a "meticulously documented" finding of intentional discrimination without sound basis.
On May 16, 2026, Louisiana voters cast ballots in the state's Republican Senate primary between incumbent Bill Cassidy and Trump-backed challenger Julia Letlow, while all six U.S. House primary races sat frozen by Governor Jeff Landry's April 30 executive order. Landry invoked emergency election powers after the Supreme Court's 6-3 ruling in Louisiana v. Callais struck down the state's congressional map as an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. More than 42,000 absentee ballots already cast for House races won't be counted. The state legislature advanced Senate Bill 121 to redraw maps with a 5-1 Republican advantage, eliminating one of two majority-Black districts. House primaries were rescheduled to July 15. This marks the first time a state has held a partial federal election with some congressional races suspended mid-cycle due to redistricting.
On May 18, 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court issued brief, unsigned orders vacating and remanding two redistricting cases β one from Mississippi and one from North Dakota β directing lower courts to reconsider under the standards set by the Court's April 29, 2026 decision in Louisiana v. Callais. The orders came via a GVR (grant-vacate-remand), a procedural mechanism SCOTUS uses to clear cases without writing a full opinion on the merits. The Mississippi case stemmed from a December 2022 lawsuit by the Mississippi State Conference of the NAACP. A three-judge federal panel ruled in July 2024 that the state's legislative maps violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act by diluting Black voting power. Mississippi was ordered to redraw districts and hold special elections; in November 2025, Democrats flipped two Senate seats, breaking the Republican supermajority for the first time in 13 years. The May 18 order vacates the ruling that required those elections. The North Dakota case involves the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians and the Spirit Lake Tribe, who challenged the state's 2021 legislative map under the VRA. The Eighth Circuit had ruled in May 2025 that only the Justice Department β not private individuals or groups β can sue to enforce Section 2. The Fifth Circuit reached the opposite conclusion in 2023. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, the sole dissenter in both orders, argued the Court should have resolved that circuit split instead of remanding. The Callais ruling tightened VRA Section 2 standards significantly, requiring plaintiffs to prove intentional discrimination and revamping the 40-year-old Gingles framework. The GVR orders send both cases back to lower courts to apply those harder standards.
A coalition of more than 90 civil rights, faith, labor, and community organizations staged the "All Roads Lead to the South" National Day of Action on May 16, 2026, beginning with a march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma and culminating in a mass rally at the Alabama State Capitol in Montgomery. The mobilization responded to the Supreme Court's 6-3 ruling in Louisiana v. Callais, which required plaintiffs to prove intentional racial discrimination under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Within days of that April 29 decision, Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall filed emergency motions to dissolve injunctions protecting two majority-Black congressional districts, and Governor Kay Ivey signed legislation scheduling special elections under redrawn maps. Organizers framed the rally as the launch of a sustained movement against what they called a coordinated effort to dismantle Black political representation across the South.
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